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Finally, we must attempt to specify the
relation between inter-organizational
legitimation
strategies and the principles according to which
indiv idual casinos themselves operate. First,
how do the
casinos hire, train, and discipline workers in
line with legitimating myths of development and
empowerment? Second, how do they market the
gambling product to various categories of
consumers?
Third, how are the physical sites themselves
organized (i.e., where located, how designed and
themed)?
Fourth, what are the ownership and management
structures of the casinos (especially in terms
of relation
between Western casino companies and local
ethnic groups)? Regarding these four dimensions
of microindustry
structure, we can propose two mutually exclusive
hypotheses. On one hand, we would expect
actual firm practices to match the legitimating
myth characteristic of the industry as a whole.
On the
other, we could find some degree of “decoupling”
between myths and practices.
The globalization of casino gambling throughout
South Africa and on Indian Lands in California
share two important similarities. First, in each
case casinos have been legitimated through
reference to
their potential for the development of
historically oppressed ethnic groups. And
second, in each case
large Western gambling corporations, partnered
with local associations of these ethnic groups,
are
intimately involved in the set-up and operation
of the industry. Yet my initial research has
revealed
divergent patterns of industry legitimation and
structuring. In South Africa political elites
(closely allied
6 Interestingly, the legitimation of
gambling—even those forms such as national
lotteries in which the odds of
winning are astronomical—to players themselves
is rarely an issue. In the language of
economics, consumer
demand has historically been quite high and
appears to be increasing.
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